好多生意人日忙夜忙都可能忘記了! What is your OAS?
My OAS is:
Objective (Achieve what? By when? ):
We will maintain our leadership position in shops. By end of 2021, we aim to sell at least HK$193,000,000 shops, buy at least HK$470,000,000 shops and raise at least HK$240,000,000 from external professional investors for our Shop Value-Add-Fund with VAF net asset under management reaching at least HK$650,000,000, and distribute at least 6% dividend yield and on the path to achieve 10% annualized return to our VAF investors ...
Advantage (How? Why you can win?):
... By being very focused in one asset class, so we can source the best-bargain shops, achieve the highest rental yields, and sell to the "blue ocean" buyers ...
Scope (Where is the battlefield?):
.... In the street shop properties of Hong Kong, with each undivisible shop purchased below Hk$50,000,000 (with sweet spot between HK$10,000,000 to HK$30,000,000).
簡單來說就係: 「今年要買入五億舖及派六厘息,因為我們好專注在5000萬以下的街舖,入最靚貨、增值及賣靚價! 」
想學多些如何寫你的 OAS? Join my workshop after 肺炎第四波。
。。。。。。。。
肺炎第四波終於快過去,有興趣 sign up la. 每場限四位! 星期六 9:30am to 約12:30pm (視乎肺炎情況,2月20日或27日開始)。市區地點再定,我請食早餐 😬! 有興趣就send張卡片畀我助手 Suki (+852) 5566 1335。
#記住OAS
同時也有2部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過40萬的網紅糖餃子Sweet Dumpling,也在其Youtube影片中提到,Hello friends! Today we're going to share with you how to make a classic Italian sweet buns: Maritozzi Con La Panna, sweet buns with whipped cream. M...
「yield sign」的推薦目錄:
- 關於yield sign 在 李根興創業之友 Edwin's Entrepreneur-Friends Facebook 的最讚貼文
- 關於yield sign 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於yield sign 在 TrendForce Facebook 的最佳解答
- 關於yield sign 在 糖餃子Sweet Dumpling Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於yield sign 在 #ミニマリストライフ Youtube 的最佳解答
- 關於yield sign 在 Learn To Ride Safely - Ano ang ibig sabihin ng YIELD sign? 的評價
yield sign 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
yield sign 在 TrendForce Facebook 的最佳解答
As we had predicted earlier, #YMTC has begun to officially mass produce its 64 layer #Xtacking #NAND_Flash products in the fourth quarter. Its progress is a good sign for the #semiconductor industry in China, which is gradually producing its own products. However, at the present stage, it is still uncertain whether the Chinese company will be able to successfully improve the yield rate of its products and catch up to the other manufacturers. Some of the industry’s leading NAND Flash manufacturers have already begun to shift towards the production of the newer and more advanced 96 layer and 128 layer products. In the future, whether YMTC will be able to successfully accelerate its transition towards the next generation chips will be worth observing.
yield sign 在 糖餃子Sweet Dumpling Youtube 的最佳解答
Hello friends! Today we're going to share with you how to make a classic Italian sweet buns: Maritozzi Con La Panna, sweet buns with whipped cream.
Maritozzi are gorgeous and delicious Italian cream buns. It's a kind of soft and light brioche style bun which is sliced in half, then filled with whipped cream! You can easy to get one in Rome's pastry shops or coffee shops. Usually people enjoy it with coffee for breakfast. Or even for afternoon tea.
Maritozzi buns are originally found in the Lazio region in Rome and date back to the Middle Ages. They're made with yeast, flour, egg, sugar, butter, honey, salt, and orange zest. There is a tradition that a boyfriend or future husband gives his lover these sweet cream buns as a sign of his love, or hides a ring inside the bun. So romantic. If you love cream buns, you need to try it. Enjoy :)
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This is an #ASMR ver, you can check out the other version that with BGM and Voices in Chinese if you like:
https://youtu.be/Ltrmtpc7EqA
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How to make Maritozzi Con La Panna
Maritozzi Con La Panna Recipe
☞ Yield: Serve 5
✎ Ingredients
bread flour 167g
unsalted butter 25g
granulated sugar 27g
medium egg 2
instant yeast 2.2g
salt 2.3g
honey 7g
an half orange zest
milk 45g
✎ Instructions
1. In a large bowl, add milk (room temp), a teaspoon of the total quantity of sugar and instant yeast and 15g of the total quantity of flour together, mix well to create a smooth paste. Cover with plastic wrap and let rest for 30 minutes in a warm spot.
2. Then add egg mixture, the remaining of sugar, honey and orange zest into the bowl, mix to combine.
3. Add the remaining of flour and salt, combine the ingredients, incorporating the flour bit by bit.
4. Transfer the dough to the work surface, the dough will be sticky but try not to add too much flour, a little is fine, just knead until it becomes a ball, it should come together nicely. You can use a scraper to collect the dough.
5. Add the softened butter, press the dough out in a way on the work surface to help blending the ingredients together, then scrape the dough back into the center, and continue to press the dough again until fully incorporated.
6. Next, use the slap and fold method to knead the dough, just pick up the dough and slap it down, then fold it over, and repeat again, until the dough is smooth and soft. You can also use a mixer for this procedure.
7. Place the dough ball in a bowl and cover with a plastic wrap in a warm place for about 2 hours or until doubled in size.
8. Turn the dough onto a work surface. Divide the dough into pieces of 55g for each. Degas them gently, rolling each bun into a small round shape. Place them one by one onto a baking sheet with baking paper. Cover with a tea towel or plastic wrap loosely, let them rise for 30 minutes in a warm spot.
9. When ready to bake, preheat the oven to 200ºC, brush the maritozzo with an egg wash and bake for about 12~14 mins, or until golden on top.
10. Once baked, let the buns cool completely.
11. Cut the bread in half without cutting through. Open slightly and fill with fresh whipped cream, and dust with icing sugar.
12. Enjoy.
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Chapter:
00:00 opening
00:32 Ingredients
01:25 yeast
02:46 Make the dough
05:07 1st kneading(about 4~6 mins)
05:50 add butter, and 2nd kneading(7~8 mins)
07:02 let rise until it doubles in size(about 2~3 hours)
09:23 2nd rise(about 30 mins)
09:40 egg wash, baking time and temp
10:41 Fill the maritozzi with whipped cream
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#Maritozzo
#Maritozzi
#easydessert
More Info:
https://www.sweet-dumpling.com
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https://www.facebook.com/sweet.dumpling.studio/
yield sign 在 #ミニマリストライフ Youtube 的最佳解答
There are no the Yield sign in Japan. Japan has "Must stop" sign in cross road.
海外には便利なYield(イールド、譲れ)という標識があります。「止まれ」は絶対に止まらないといけないですが、Yieldは安全が確保できれば一時停止する必要がありません。 非常に効率が良く、無駄なブレーキも少なくなるので環境にもクルマにも優しいですね。
yield sign 在 Learn To Ride Safely - Ano ang ibig sabihin ng YIELD sign? 的推薦與評價
Ang YIELD sign ay kadalasang nakikita sa intersections. Kapag nakita mo ang sign na ito, ibig sabihin ay dapat magbigay daan sa mga lumilikong sasakyan. ... <看更多>